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Vol 8.2 ARTICLES Coordination and Antisymmetry
Theory: Some Evidence from Germanic On the Investigation of 1920s Vienna
Jewish Speech: Ideology and Linguistics Inflection and the Paradigm in German Nouns Processual Change and Phonetic Analogy:
Early New High German {s} > {sch} DISCUSSION NOTE A Footnote and Bibliography to Herbert
Penzl's "Zum Beweismaterial für den i-Umlaut im Nordisch-Westgermanischen" REVIEW ARTICLE
E. Kšnig and J. van der Auwera, eds., The Germanic languages REVIEWS
W. J. Jones, Sprachhelden und Sprachverderber
C. Russ, The German language today
R. Bloomer, System-Congruity and the participles of Modern German and Modern English
T. Swan et al, eds., Language change and language structure
H. Haider et al, eds., Studies in comparative Germanic syntax
Coordination and Antisymmetry Theory: Some Evidence from Germanic John R. te Velde Oklahoma State University A major recent development in minimalist syntactic theory concerns phrase structure. Kayne (1994) claims that all phrases are binary, asymmetric, and left-headed. The implications of this restrictive theory for coordination as a syntactic phenomenon are quite broad. Most significantly, coordination can no longer be represented as the union of symmetrical conjuncts; rather, conjuncts are projections of the conjunction, a head, and stand in an asymmetric relation to each other. Following Moltmann 1992, the present study shows that although asymmetric syntactic relations must be incorporated into the representation of coordinate structures, other symmetrical relations must also be represented. In this way, an account of certain coordinate structures in various Germanic languages is available. When clauses conjoin symmetrically, feature match-up resulting from the percolation of features to the coordinate node can proceed as a licensing mechanism for subject deletion in the second and subsequent conjuncts. Feature match-up requires IP-based coordination, which is shown in a comparison with other types of clausal coordination to be represen-tationally and conceptually superior. This conclusion is also supported by facts from asymmetrical coordination in German in which a verb-end and a verb-second clause conjoin. Theoretical and conceptual benefits of maintaining syntactically symmetrical
coordination include keeping empty positions and derivational steps and
structures to a minimum, as desired in a minimalist approach. On the Investigation of 1920s Vienna Jewish
Speech: Ideology and Linguistics This paper aims to establish a framework for the investigation of Vienna Jewish
speech (VJS)-the German spoken natively by Jews in Vienna during the 1920s
and 1930s. The role of the ideological approach or perspective in the
investigation of Jewish ethnolects of German (JG) is discussed at length.
It is argued that the investigation of VJS-and of JG generally-must recognize
the context of Yiddish linguistics in the broader sense. The paper also
considers possible Jewish varieties of German that may have served as
models for VJS. Consideration of VJS sheds light on the general linguistic
discussion of borrowing vs. language shift. Inflection and the Paradigm in German
Nouns The paper presents an analysis of noun inflection in Modern Standard German
within a process framework. Familiar issues in the description of German
inflectional morphology are discussed, such as analysis of weak nouns
and of plural formation, and the establishment of inflectional classes,
as well as broader theoretical issues such as postulation of identity
relations ("zeros"). The elements of a process morphology are elaborated,
including some that deviate from well-known models, such as recognition
of a dynamic morphological com-ponent distinct from the static lexicon,
expression of morphologi-cal semantics in the morphological component,
and formalization of the notion of a paradigm. The paradigm is claimed
to be an essential morphological structure, dynamic in nature, responsible
for organization of the inflectional system and ensuring, in cooperation
with operations applied to stems, correct sequencing and selection of
these inflectional operations. It is also concluded that the inflectional
class, derivative of the paradigm, may be a useful construct in some languages
(including German), but is not a necessary one for all inflecting languages.
Processual Change and Phonetic Analogy:
Early New High German An examination of documents reflecting the change in late Middle High German
and Early New High German of <s> to <sch> initially before
a sonorant shows that it can be described as a "processual change," one
that affects one environment after another in a regular fashion. This
change occurred first before a lateral; thereafter it was extended to
nasals-alveolar then labial-and finally to the labial glide. After the
late MHG merger of <s> with <z> following a vowel, <s>
came to stand in complementary distribution with <sch>. The processual
change took place by a process of "phonetic analogy," whereby <s>
before a lateral was gradually replaced by the alveopalatal on the basis
of a relation of acoustic-auditory similarity with strident plus trill.
The remainder of the procession proceeded in a similar manner. A Footnote and Bibliography to Herbert Penzl's
"Zum Beweismaterial fŸr den i-Umlaut im Nordisch-Westgermanischen."
The present article contains a footnote to the discussion between Herbert
Penzl and Joseph Voyles on the nature of Germanic and especially Old High
German i-umlaut. In addition, a bibliography is given for anyone interested
in reviewing the various arguments that have been made over the years.
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